after the NATO bombs ... thugs celebrate accordingly
http://garizo.blogspot.com/2011/03/libya-is-not-egypt-and-all-rebellions.html
--------------------------------------------------------------------
With threats to kill Muammar Gaddafi and cries of "God is great", vehicles packed with hundreds of men sped off to liberate the town of Ajdabiya, under siege by the Libyan dictator's forces five miles down the road.
Minutes later the charge was in terrified retreat after a clash that not only revealed the weaknesses of the rebel forces, not least their lack of discipline, but raised a question for the countries leading the air strikes on Libya: do they intend to fight the revolutionaries' war for them or are they prepared to accept the division of Libya?
The insurgent forces have pushed 85 miles along the coastal road west from Benghazi, the de facto rebel capital, since the air strikes began. On Saturday, Gaddafi's army was fighting inside Benghazi. The next day the onslaught from the air sent it scurrying into retreat.
Destroyed and abandoned tanks, armoured vehicles and rocket launchers litter the windswept desert road west. Some of the tanks are blackened hulks, ripped apart by the missiles fired by unseen planes. Others appear to have no damage at all, suggesting the crews fled in fear. The rebels followed at a distance, retaking much of the ground they held in the early days of the revolution, but this time without a fight. They also moved in to the oil port of Zwitina, south of Benghazi, after Gaddafi's forces pulled out. A power station hit by shelling last week was still on fire.
By Monday morning, the revolutionaries' advance was halted outside Ajdabiya, where Gaddafi's army was still dug in around the town, suggesting that the air campaign has yet to break its will to fight despite a demand by coalition forces that the government pull back from the town as a "non-negotiable condition" of last week's UN resolution.
The rebels watched apprehensively as incoming shells dropped short in the desert with a flash of fire and a large puff of sand, further evidence that the Libyan leader's twice announced ceasefire means little on the frontline.
Then planes were heard, but not seen, overhead. Spotters with binoculars watched from the top of sand dunes, trying to assess the effect of the air strikes as black plumes rose above the town.
The sound of several deep explosions in the direction of Gaddafi's forces persuaded the rebels that the aircraft had knocked out the enemy's tanks and rockets. A cry went up to charge forward. The mechanical cavalry surged along the road certain that the planes had done the job and the government soldiers would be dead or fleeing in terror of more missiles.
But within a couple of minutes a rain of shells came down around them, exploding on the road and the desert, and the charge swiftly broke up. Drivers tore off across the sand shouting in alarm. Some stopped to pick up the wounded. Others flung their cars into U-turns and hit the accelerator. The advance was quickly consumed by panic and chaos as the rebels fled as fast as they could. No one stood and fought or continued to press forward.
By the time the rebel forces regrouped they had retreated about five miles from their earlier position. At least eight of them were dead and others wounded.
Farhad al-Marebi, a middle-aged revolutionary in a woollen hat, conceded that the advance had been a mistake.
"When we heard the sound of the planes, we thought they were shooting Gaddafi's army. So we decided to advance," he said. "I was sure the planes would attack the tanks like they did yesterday. That's why we went forward."
Karim Ali, a 55-year-old police officer, agreed that "it was a mistake".
The charge was not entirely driven by blind bravado.
Among the fighters was Abdul Jabal Najdi, a 41-year-old mechanic. He was keen to get to Ajdabiya because his family has been trapped in the town for days.
"We all have a lot of family there. We want to get there and save them," he said. "We took the decision ourselves to move."
That did little to mollify Adil Hasi, the man in charge of what the revolutionary leadership regards as the regular rebel forces in the area, mainly made up of former soldiers. He said he did not order the charge and that it was evidence of the indiscipline of the volunteer fighters.
"I didn't give the order to advance. These are civilians at war. They are not my guys. I gave orders that we can't attack and get near them because of the planes. We must keep away. They were under orders to wait until the air strikes," he said. "I had a plan that we were going to surround Gaddafi's forces, but then these guys pushed through. So my plan has failed."
Hasi said intelligence suggested that Gaddafi's forces still had at least three tanks, some rocket launchers and artillery.
The day's events around Ajdabiya provided further evidence that the rebels stand little hope of defeating Gaddafi's forces militarily on their own and are relying on coalition air strikes to destroy, or at least greatly weaken, the ability of the government's army to fight.
Some of the rebels mistake the air strikes for their own victories. They dance on the burned out tanks, wave V for victory signs and declare that they are beating Gaddafi.
But the revolutionaries outside Ajdabiya only advanced because they expected to move into the town with little resistance.
The rebel leadership frankly admits that it cannot defeat the government militarily on its own and acknowledges that if it cannot take a relatively small town unaided, its forces are unlikely to be able to seize the better defended cities further west – leaving France, Britain and the US to decide if they are going to fight the insurgents' war for them by clearing the way for the revolutionaries to advance.
Alongside the military campaign, the rebels' political leadership says it intends to encourage fresh popular uprisings in cities still under Gaddafi's control. But it may find it hard to persuade Libyans to take the risk unless they have the assurance that rebel forces are close enough to come to their rescue.
Members of the revolutionary council have already said they fear that the result of a limited air campaign will be military stalemate and a divided Libya. For that reason, they have called for an escalation of the air strikes to wipe out Gaddafi's army as a fighting force.
The chaos outside Ajdabiya holds another concern for ordinary Libyans in areas now claimed as liberated territory by the revolutionary council.
There is growing alarm in Benghazi in particular at growing disorder by young men with guns who have claimed the authority for themselves to set up arbitrary road blocks, order people around and fire their weapons for the fun of it.
Even in combat situations, they do not obey orders, shooting at will and wasting ammunition. Rebels manning an anti-aircraft gun were probably responsible for shooting down the revolutionaries' only fighter plane on Saturday.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
HOW LIBYAN REBELS ARE HOPELESS PRO-EMPIRE COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARIES
Rebels cannot fight, and are anti-social thugs
[source]
The planes were barely out of earshot when the charge of the ad hoc motorised cavalry began. The young fighters, the "shabab" as they proudly proclaim themselves, piled on to scores of pick up trucks with mounted machine guns and squeezed in to saloon cars with their Kalashnikovs hanging out of the windows. Some had no more than old hunting rifles. One man was waving a bayonet as his only weapon.
With threats to kill Muammar Gaddafi and cries of "God is great", vehicles packed with hundreds of men sped off to liberate the town of Ajdabiya, under siege by the Libyan dictator's forces five miles down the road.
Minutes later the charge was in terrified retreat after a clash that not only revealed the weaknesses of the rebel forces, not least their lack of discipline, but raised a question for the countries leading the air strikes on Libya: do they intend to fight the revolutionaries' war for them or are they prepared to accept the division of Libya?
The insurgent forces have pushed 85 miles along the coastal road west from Benghazi, the de facto rebel capital, since the air strikes began. On Saturday, Gaddafi's army was fighting inside Benghazi. The next day the onslaught from the air sent it scurrying into retreat.
Destroyed and abandoned tanks, armoured vehicles and rocket launchers litter the windswept desert road west. Some of the tanks are blackened hulks, ripped apart by the missiles fired by unseen planes. Others appear to have no damage at all, suggesting the crews fled in fear. The rebels followed at a distance, retaking much of the ground they held in the early days of the revolution, but this time without a fight. They also moved in to the oil port of Zwitina, south of Benghazi, after Gaddafi's forces pulled out. A power station hit by shelling last week was still on fire.
By Monday morning, the revolutionaries' advance was halted outside Ajdabiya, where Gaddafi's army was still dug in around the town, suggesting that the air campaign has yet to break its will to fight despite a demand by coalition forces that the government pull back from the town as a "non-negotiable condition" of last week's UN resolution.
The rebels watched apprehensively as incoming shells dropped short in the desert with a flash of fire and a large puff of sand, further evidence that the Libyan leader's twice announced ceasefire means little on the frontline.
Then planes were heard, but not seen, overhead. Spotters with binoculars watched from the top of sand dunes, trying to assess the effect of the air strikes as black plumes rose above the town.
The sound of several deep explosions in the direction of Gaddafi's forces persuaded the rebels that the aircraft had knocked out the enemy's tanks and rockets. A cry went up to charge forward. The mechanical cavalry surged along the road certain that the planes had done the job and the government soldiers would be dead or fleeing in terror of more missiles.
But within a couple of minutes a rain of shells came down around them, exploding on the road and the desert, and the charge swiftly broke up. Drivers tore off across the sand shouting in alarm. Some stopped to pick up the wounded. Others flung their cars into U-turns and hit the accelerator. The advance was quickly consumed by panic and chaos as the rebels fled as fast as they could. No one stood and fought or continued to press forward.
By the time the rebel forces regrouped they had retreated about five miles from their earlier position. At least eight of them were dead and others wounded.
Farhad al-Marebi, a middle-aged revolutionary in a woollen hat, conceded that the advance had been a mistake.
"When we heard the sound of the planes, we thought they were shooting Gaddafi's army. So we decided to advance," he said. "I was sure the planes would attack the tanks like they did yesterday. That's why we went forward."
Karim Ali, a 55-year-old police officer, agreed that "it was a mistake".
The charge was not entirely driven by blind bravado.
Among the fighters was Abdul Jabal Najdi, a 41-year-old mechanic. He was keen to get to Ajdabiya because his family has been trapped in the town for days.
"We all have a lot of family there. We want to get there and save them," he said. "We took the decision ourselves to move."
That did little to mollify Adil Hasi, the man in charge of what the revolutionary leadership regards as the regular rebel forces in the area, mainly made up of former soldiers. He said he did not order the charge and that it was evidence of the indiscipline of the volunteer fighters.
"I didn't give the order to advance. These are civilians at war. They are not my guys. I gave orders that we can't attack and get near them because of the planes. We must keep away. They were under orders to wait until the air strikes," he said. "I had a plan that we were going to surround Gaddafi's forces, but then these guys pushed through. So my plan has failed."
Hasi said intelligence suggested that Gaddafi's forces still had at least three tanks, some rocket launchers and artillery.
The day's events around Ajdabiya provided further evidence that the rebels stand little hope of defeating Gaddafi's forces militarily on their own and are relying on coalition air strikes to destroy, or at least greatly weaken, the ability of the government's army to fight.
Some of the rebels mistake the air strikes for their own victories. They dance on the burned out tanks, wave V for victory signs and declare that they are beating Gaddafi.
But the revolutionaries outside Ajdabiya only advanced because they expected to move into the town with little resistance.
The rebel leadership frankly admits that it cannot defeat the government militarily on its own and acknowledges that if it cannot take a relatively small town unaided, its forces are unlikely to be able to seize the better defended cities further west – leaving France, Britain and the US to decide if they are going to fight the insurgents' war for them by clearing the way for the revolutionaries to advance.
Alongside the military campaign, the rebels' political leadership says it intends to encourage fresh popular uprisings in cities still under Gaddafi's control. But it may find it hard to persuade Libyans to take the risk unless they have the assurance that rebel forces are close enough to come to their rescue.
Members of the revolutionary council have already said they fear that the result of a limited air campaign will be military stalemate and a divided Libya. For that reason, they have called for an escalation of the air strikes to wipe out Gaddafi's army as a fighting force.
The chaos outside Ajdabiya holds another concern for ordinary Libyans in areas now claimed as liberated territory by the revolutionary council.
There is growing alarm in Benghazi in particular at growing disorder by young men with guns who have claimed the authority for themselves to set up arbitrary road blocks, order people around and fire their weapons for the fun of it.
Even in combat situations, they do not obey orders, shooting at will and wasting ammunition. Rebels manning an anti-aircraft gun were probably responsible for shooting down the revolutionaries' only fighter plane on Saturday.
----------------------------------------------------------------
Γιατί διαλύεται η Λιβύη; (Η άλλη άποψη) – Στη Λιβύη ζούν λιγότεροι άνθρωποι κάτω από το όριο της φτώχειας από ότι στην Ολλανδία…
του David Rothscum – Πώς περνούσε η Λιβύη επι Γκαντάφι; Πως περνούσε ο κόσμος; Ήταν καταπιεσμένος, όπως γενικά μαθαίνουμε; Ας ρίξουμε μια ματιά στα γεγονότα. Πριν ξεσπάσει το χάος, η Λιβύη είχε ένα χαμηλότερο ποσοστό κρατουμένων από την Τσεχική Δημοκρατία. Βρισκόταν στην 61η θέση. Η Λιβύη είχε το χαμηλότερο ποσοστό βρεφικής θνησιμότητας στην Αφρική. Λιγότερο από το 5% των κατοίκων της πεινούσαν. Ενω στον υπόλοιπο κόσμο οι τιμές των τροφίμων συνεχώς αυξάνονταν, η κυβέρνηση της Λιβύης είχε καταργήσει όλους τους φόρους επί των τροφίμων.
Οι Λίβυοι ήσαν πλούσιοι. Η Λιβύη είχε το μεγαλύτερο κατά κεφαλή εισόδημα στην Αφρική. Η κυβέρνηση φρόντιζε, ώστε ο καθένας να μπορεί να συμμετάσχει στην ευημερία. Ο πλούτος ήταν μοιρασμένος δίκαια. Στη Λιβύη ζούσαν λιγότεροι άνθρωποι κάτω από το όριο της φτώχειας από ότι στην Ολλανδία.
Πως έγινε η Λιβύη τόσο πλούσια; Γιατί έχει πετρέλαιο και δεν επέτρεπε σε ξένες εταιρείες να της το κλέβουν, όπως συμβαίνει στη Νιγηρία, μια χώρα, που σε μεγάλο βαθμό ελέγχεται από την Shell.
Όπως κάθε χώρα, έτσι και η Λιβύη υποφέρει από μια κυβέρνηση διεφθαρμένων γραφειοκρατών, που προσπαθούν να κόψουν ένα ολο και μεγαλύτερο κομμάτι απο την πίτα. Ως απάντηση, ο Γκαντάφι θέσπισε νόμους, με τους οποίους τα έσοδα από το πετρέλαιο να διανέμονται απευθείας στον πληθυσμό της χώρας, γιατί ήταν της γνώμης, ότι η κυβέρνηση δεν ήταν δίκαιη στο λαό, αν και ο Γκαντάφι δεν κατείχε μια επίσημη θέση στην κυβέρνηση. Δεν είναι ο πρόεδρος της Λιβύης, όπως γραφουν οι εφημερίδες. Η θέση του μοιάζει περισσότερο με εκείνη των ιδρυτών των ΗΠΑ και έχει περισσότερο έναν εθιμοτυπικό χαρακτήρα.
Ο σωστός αρχηγός του κράτους στη Λιβύη είναι ο σημερινός πρωθυπουργός της Baghdadi Mahmudi. Όποιος αναφέρει τον Γκαντάφι σαν ηγέτη της Λιβύης, είναι σαν να αποκαλεί τον Χιροχίτο ηγέτη της Ιαπωνίας. Σε αντίθεση με την εικόνα που εμφανίζουν για την Λιβύη τα Μαζικά Μέσα Επιρροής (ΜΜΕ), στην κυβέρνηση της υπάρχουν διαφορετικές απόψεις. Μερικοί είναι οπαδοί του Γκαντάφι και θέλουν να απαλλαγούν από τον πρωθυπουργό. Άλλοι θέλουν να απαλλαγούν και από τους δύο. Και άλλοι θέλουν μόνο ειρήνη. Γίνονται όμως προσπάθειες, να εμφανισθεί η εικόνα μιας λαϊκής εξέγερσης κατά του δήθεν ηγέτη, του Γκαντάφι, παρα το ότι ο Γκαντάφι τελικά είναι μόνο ο αρχιτέκτονας του σημερινου πολιτικού συστήματος της Λιβύης, που είναι ένα μείγμα απο παναραβισμό, σοσιαλισμό και κάποιων ισλαμικών στοιχείων.
Τα βίντεο με διαμαρτυρίες υπερ του Γκαντάφι εξαφανίζονται αμέσως από το Internet. Το “Pro Gaddafi Anti Baghdadi Mahmudi demonstrations in” στοwww.youtube.com/watch?v=Ce5fLGNg0sk εξαφανίσθηκε…Το “Pro Gaddafi protests in front of Libyan embassy London”, επίσης στο www.youtube.com/watch?v=pRwv0Ac8qbc
εξαφανίστηκε κι‘ αυτό…
Μπορούμε να παρομοιάσουμε τους διαδηλωτές στη Λιβύη με εκείνους στην Αίγυπτο ή την Τυνησία; Οχι, καθόλου. Η αντίδραση της κυβέρνησης είναι βίαια και προφανώς ασκείται υπερβολική βία. Ας εξετάσουμε όμως εν συντομία τις δράσεις των διαδηλωτών. Το κτίριο του Λαικού Συνεδρίου πυρπολήθηκε από εξαγριωμένους διαδηλωτές. Αυτό θα έμοιαζε με την πυρπόληση του Καπιτωλίου απο αμερικανούς διαδηλωτές. Πιστεύει κανείς, ότι η κυβέρνηση των ΗΠΑ θα επέτρεπε κατι τέτοιο;
Οι ταραχές στη Λιβύη δεν ξέσπασαν εξ αιτίας μερικών νεαρών, που ζητούσαν Αλλαγή, όπως έγινε στην Αίγυπτο ή την Τυνησία. Ξεκίνησε, όταν μια ομάδα με το όνομα “Ισλαμικό Εμιράτο του Μπάρκα” (το όνομα της πρώην βορειοδυτικής περιοχής της Λιβύης) έπιασε μερικούς ομήρους και σκότωσε δύο αστυνομικούς. Η εξέλιξη αυτή έχει την ιστορία της. Στις 18. Φεβρουαρίου 2011 μια ομάδα έκλεψε 70 στρατιωτικά οχήματα, αφού προηγουμένως είχε κάνει επίθεση στο λιμάνι και σκότωσε τέσσερις στρατιώτες. Η εξέγερση ξεκίνησε στην πόλη της Βεγγάζης στην ανατολική Λιβύη, κοντα στην Αίγυπτο που βρισκόταν σε αναβρασμό και τα σύνορα δεν ελέγχονταν πλέον. Ο ιταλός υπουργός Εξωτερικών εξέφρασε την ανησυχία του για την δημιουργία ενός “Ισλαμικού Εμιράτου της Βεγγάζης”, το οποίο θα μπορούσε να κηρύξει την ανεξαρτησία του.
Απο που λοιπόν προέρχονται οι ξαφνικές διαμαρτυρίες; Η απάντηση βρίσκεται στο γεγονός, ότι οι ομάδες αυτές, που χρηματοδοτούνται εδώ και δεκαετίες από τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες, βρήκαν μετα την Τυνησία και την Αίγυπτο την ευκαιρία, να θέσουν ολόκληρη τη Λιβύη υπό τον έλεγχό τους. Μια τέτοια ομάδα, που συνελήφθη πρόσφατα, αποτελούνταν από δεκάδες άτομα αλλοδαπής υπηκοότητας, που είχαν λάβει μέρος σε λεηλασίες και δολιοφθορές. Η λιβυκή κυβέρνηση δεν απέκλεισε το ενδεχόμενο, να έχουν σχέση με το Ισραήλ.
Η Μεγάλη Βρετανία χρηματοδοτούσε έναν πυρήνα της Αλ Κάιντα στη Λιβύη για να δολοφονήσει τον Γκαντάφι. Η κύρια ομάδα της αντιπολίτευσης είναι σήμερα το «Εθνικό Μέτωπο Σωτηρίας της Λιβύης» που χρηματοδοτείται από τη Σαουδική Αραβία, τη CIA και μυστικές υπηρεσίες της Γαλλίας, και συμπορεύτηκε μαζί με άλλες αντιπολιτευτικές ομάδες που τελικά απετέλεσαν το «Εθνικό Συνέδριο της λιβυκής Αντιπολίτευσης». Το Συνέδριο αυτό ανακήρυξε την «Ημέρα της οργής», η οποία βούτηξε στις 17. Φεβρουαρίου την Λιβύη στο χάος. Ξεκίνησε στη Βεγγάζη, μια συντηρητική πόλη, που παραδοσιακά ήταν κατά του Γκαντάφι. Είναι αξιοσημείωτο το γεγονός, ότι το «Εθνικό Μέτωπο Σωτηρίας της Λιβύης” διαθέτει εναν αξιόλογο οπλισμό. Ήδη κατα το 1996 είχαν προσπαθήσει να υποδαυλίσουν στην ανατολική Λιβύη μια επανάσταση.
Γιατί είναι οι ΗΠΑ τόσο εναντίον του Γκαντάφι; Γιατί ο Γκαντάφι είναι η κύρια απειλή για την ηγεμονία των ΗΠΑ στην Αφρική, επειδή προσπαθεί να ενώσει την ήπειρο και να την φέρει σε αντίθεση με τις ΗΠΑ.
Πράγματι, ο Γκαντάφι έχει πολλές, που είναι εκ διαμέτρου αντίθετες στα συμφέροντα των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών.
Κατηγορεί τις ΗΠΑ, ότι δημιούργησαν τον ιό HIV. Ισχυρίζεται, ότι το Ισραήλ βρίσκεται πίσω από την δολοφονία του Matin Luther King και του John F. Kennedy. Λέει ότι απαγωγείς των αεροπλάνων της 9/11 είχαν εκπαιδευτεί στις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες. Κάλεσε τους Λίβυους να δώσουν αίμα για τα θύματα του 9/11. Ο Γκαντάφι είναι επίσης ο τελευταίος ηγέτης μιας γενιάς μετρίων σοσιαλιστικών και παναραβικών επαναστατών που παραμένουν στην εξουσία μετά απο την εξάλειψη του Nasser και του Χουσεΐν και η Συρία τάχθηκε στο πλευρό του Ιράν.
Οι ΗΠΑ και το Ισραήλ δεν έχουν κανένα συμφέρον για την δημιουργία ενός ισχυρού αραβικού κόσμου. Εξ αντιθέτου, φαίνεται στα σχέδιά τους να έχουν ενα θεμελιώδες συμφέρον, να εξαναγκάσουν την Λιβύη με την αναρχία και το χάος να γονατίσει.
Προς το τέλος του 2010 η Μεγάλη Βρετανία εξόπλιζε την Λιβύη με προσοδοφόρες πωλήσεις όπλων. Ένας αιματηρός εμφύλιος πόλεμος είναι η καλύτερη εγγύηση για την καταστροφή της Λιβύης. Η φυλετική δομή της λιβυκής κοινωνίας εξακολουθεί να είναι πολύ ισχυρή και πολύ χρήσιμη για την πυροδότηση και αξιοποίηση ενός τέτοιου πολέμου, και η αξιοποίηση, διότι η Λιβύη χωρίζεται ιστορικά σε διαφορετικές εθνοτικές ομάδες.
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου