Ukraine coalition collapses, no-confidence vote due

KIEV (Reuters) - Ukraine's ruling coalition collapsed on Tuesday as newly elected President Viktor Yanukovich moved to oust Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko and consolidate power.

Parliament speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn said leaders of parliamentary factions had met and the coalition partners had failed to submit enough signatures to demonstrate they maintained a majority.Tymoshenko, the fiery co-architect of the pro-Western Orange Revolution of 2004, remains in office, but faces a vote of no confidence in her government on Wednesday as Yanukovich goes through the steps of consolidating his grip on power. She indicated that if the vote succeeds, she might step down, so that "all responsibilities will immediately be laid on Yanukovich." His victory over Tymoshenko in a February 7 run-off presidential election is expected to tilt the country of 46 million people back toward Russia after years of infighting between the Orange revolutionaries.

Ukraine desperately needs political stability to tackle a debilitating economic crisis that saw GDP contract by 15 percent in 2009, and to restart talks with the International Monetary Fund on a $16.4 billion bailout package. "In line with the constitution of Ukraine ... I announce that the coalition in parliament has ceased its activity," speaker Lytvyn told parliament.


Tymoshenko, who has refused to recognize Yanukovich's election victory, lashed out at her former allies in parliament, telling reporters:
"Today they destroyed the last bastion, the last barricade defending our Ukraine."


A formal announcement of the collapse of the coalition and a motion of no confidence in the government have to occur for Yanukovich's supporters to begin the difficult process of creating a new government.


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The collapse of the coalition indicates that the no-confidence vote will pass if coalition members who refused to submit their signatures vote with Yanukovich loyalists.

Weeks of horse trading are expected as Yanukovich's Regions Party works to form its own coalition and, later, a new government. The various parliamentary factions have 30 days to form the new coalition and 60 days to form a new government.If this proves impossible, Yanukovich has the right to call a new parliamentary election -- a scenario feared by investors because it would prolong uncertainty for months as Ukraine continues to struggle without foreign lending.

If Wednesday's vote passes, Tymoshenko would be expected to stay on as acting premier until a replacement is voted in. But there were signs on Tuesday that she might not stick around to do the job, spelling further uncertainty for the country.Asked if she would quit her office if the vote passes, Tymoshenko replied: "Absolutely. If the government is dismissed, all responsibilities will immediately be laid on Yanukovich."

Yanukovich, a beefy ex-mechanic from the Russian-speaking east, has named three likely candidates for premier: reformist former central bank chairman Sergey Tigipko, former foreign minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk and Russian-born former finance minister Mykola Azarov, a close ally of Yanukovich.To form a coalition, Yanukovich's Regions Party effectively has to poach dozens of deputies from the Our Ukraine faction, an alliance of myriad parties once grouped around former president Viktor Yushchenko and part of the outgoing coalition.

"To dismiss Tymoshenko tomorrow is not a problem," said analyst Mikhail Pogrebinski, "but as for a coalition -- that's not clear."

Yanukovich wins Ukraine election,

ELECTIONS | 07.02.2010
Yanukovich wins Ukraine election, exit polls show
Some Ukrainians feel there is not much difference between the two candidates
Exit polls say opposition leader Viktor Yanukovich has narrowly won Sunday's presidential poll in Ukraine. But a close aide of Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko said it was too early to tell. The National Exit Poll said opposition leader Yanukovich had secured 48.7 percent of the vote against Tymoshenko's 45.5 percent. Another exit poll, by ICTV, said he won 49.8 percent of the vote against her 45.2 percent.

The results, if confirmed, would indicate a remarkable comeback for the opposition leader who was swept aside five years ago by the peaceful 'Orange Revolution.'But a close aide to Prime Minister Tymoshenko said the close results meant it was too early to say who had won the poll."The result of the majority of exit polls are within the margin of statistical error. Conclusions about who the victor is can be made only on the basis of the real results of the Central Election Commission," First Deputy Prime Minister and campaign chief Oleksander Turchynov told journalists.The election commission is not due to release preliminary results until Monday morning.

Bitter campaign

Sunday's presidential poll among 37 million registered Ukrainian voters followed a bitter electoral campaign during which opinion surveys were not permitted.Yanukovich won the initial round on 17 January by a ten-percent margin over Tymoshenko.Each candidate, however, had accused the other of trying to rig the vote and analysts had warned that after ballot stations closed late Sunday their tussle could shift to court wrangles and even street protests.Ukrainians have become largely disillusioned with politics in their country - almost six years after the euphoria of the 2004 Orange Revolution, when the telegenic Tymoshenko helped sweep the pro-Western Viktor Yushchenko into the office of president on the promise of reform.In January's first round, Yushchenko ended up in fifth place, paying the price for slumping living standards, diffidence among investors and squabbles with Tymoshenko.

Dire straits

The economic crisis has led to civil unrest in Ukraine. With Gross Domestic Product (GDP) shrinking by 15 percent in 2009, Ukraine was hit worse by the global economic crisis than any other major European economy. Talks have also been delayed over a proposed $16.4-billion (12-billion-euro) bail-out, suspended by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) because of Kyiv's broken promises to control state spending.In comparison to past Ukrainian elections, when Yanukovich was portrayed as pro-Russian, this time glaring policy differences are few. Both candidates say they want to integrate with Europe, while improving ties with Moscow.Tymoshenko showed enthusiasm for seeking European Union membership. But, in recent months, she also appeared in photo opportunities alongside Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.Critics fault ex-mechanic Yanukovich for not explaining vote-rigging that courts said his campaign team allegedly committed in 2004. Analysts say his appeal is strong among voters disillusioned by the Orange Revolution aftermath.While campaigning ahead of Sunday's run-off, the sharp-tongued Tymoshenko was left on television debating against an empty lectern when the slow-speaking Yanukovich failed to turn up.
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Στον δεύτερο γύρο που έγινε σήμερα και χωρίς να έχει γίνει τελική καταμέτρηση υπολογίζεται ότι ο Γιανουκόβιτς κέρδισε τις προεδρικές εκλογές στην ΟΥΚΡΑΝΙΑ με περίπου 3%+ (48% - 45%)διαφορά από την Τιμοσένγκο. Με αυτό το τρόπο επισφραγίζεται όχι μόνο το τέλος των εγχρώμων επαναστάσεων, αλλά και μία νέα πολιτική σχέση μεταξύ Ρωσίας - ΝΑΤΟ, εφόσον οι δυτικοί μάλλον πήραν την απόφαση να σταματήσουν το χωρίς νόημα πλέον παιχνίδι αντιπαράθεσης με την Ρωσία. 

Ukrainian election: final battle begins

Polling stations have opened in Ukraine where people are to make a choice between two bitter rivals – Viktor Yanukovich and Yulia Timoshenko – in the presidential runoff.Following hectic weeks of tough electioneering, scandals and mutual accusations, D-Day has come for the presidential hopefuls.

Adding fuel to the fire, an electoral reform bill pushed forward by Yanukovich’s party, the Party of Regions, was passed just ahead of the runoff. Timoshenko, in response, threatened to urge people to take to streets.Having left behind 16 other rivals in the first round of presidential voting, including incumbent president Yushchenko, the February 7 runoff election will determine both the future course of the candidates, and Ukraine itself.

Yanukovich, the leader of the opposition Party of Regions, defeated current Premier Timoshenko 35% to 25% in the first round of voting on January 17.The incumbent president, Viktor Yushchenko, lost his bid for retaining power after only receiving a modest 5% of the votes. Five years after the Orange Revolution which swept him to power, Yushchenko’s former ally and opponent are back in Ukraine’s political ring giving the whole election a feeling of déjà vu.

Going to polls, Ukrainians face an uneasy choice – deciding on a path for the country of 46 million people for the next five years. The population is fed up with the political fuss of the last two years and wants stability and confidence in the future.The question is which of the two contenders can lead Ukraine to stability – both economically and politically. Some Ukrainians do not trust either candidate and are tired of the fight for power between the two. Those are the voters who are likely to vote “against all” or simply ignore the election, especially since the weather in February is not very welcoming.Analysts are divided on who will finally win the presidential seat. While many see Yanukovich as the front runner, others are confident that Timoshenko will manage to close the gap by picking up votes that were splintered among candidates in the first round.The latest polls, however, gave Yanukovich a 6 to 12% lead in the head-to-head runoff.Another thing that worries many is whether force will be used after the election results are announced. Observers predict there will be claims of vote fraud and do not exclude the possibility that people may take to streets in protest. In an attempt to avoid arepetition of the 2004 scenario, a court in Kiev has banned rallies on the capital's central Maidan square – the site of past protests – throughout this month.

East or West? Yulia or Viktor?

Traditionally, since the country became independent in 1991, voters in Ukraine have been split in their political preferences and each election has turned into a bitter rivalry, not only between the candidates, but also between the pro-Russian East and the Europe-leaning West.Both Timoshenko and Yanukovich want to integrate with Europe and improve ties with Russia as well. Both have been trying to lure voters with lavish promises.However, the 49-year-old Prime Minister, one of the leaders of the Orange Revolution, is seen to be more pro-Western. Nicknamed the “Gas Princess” for her earlier involvement in the energy sector (where she is believed to have earned a fortune), she has an ambitious plan to bring Ukraine into the EU within five years if she wins the election.

Timoshenko believes “we are capable of rising to the level of European standards on democracy, human rights, quality of life and political culture"."And once we build Europe in Ukraine, Ukraine will become a member of the European Union. The potential of existing cooperation and mutually beneficial economic cooperation will serve as the foundation for friendly relations with Russia and other CIS countries."She stands for pragmatic relations with all countries “based on the priority of national interests and significantly increasing Ukraine’s competitiveness in the global arena”.As for Ukraine joining any collective security system, it “will be decided only by a referendum.”As part of her aggressive presidential campaign, posters were placed throughout the country showing Timoshenko wearing a Ukrainian peasant-style hair braid and stating: "Ukraine will win! Ukraine means you!"The charismatic politician vows to fight for “justice and order” and promises to destroy “the corrupt alliance forged between power and oligarchy.”During her campaign, she carefully crafted an image of being a devoted fighter against corruption, constantly casting accusations at her opponents.“We will establish order in government and there will be order in the country,” her presidential program reads. Energy independence, a health insurance system “accessible to all citizens” and “fair distribution of wealth” round out her platform.

However, Timoshenko's insistence that Ukrainian should be the country's only legitimate language for education, business and in the courts made her unpopular among the Russian-speaking population of the East and South of the country.In September of last year, she issued a directive obliging teachers to speak only Ukrainian at school, even during breaks. On February 4, three days prior to the vote, Ukraine’s Constitutional Court found that the Cabinet of ministers exceeded its powers and the decree was declared unconstitutional.Her opponent, Yanukovich, on the contrary, promised that if he wins the presidency he will pass a law permitting the broad use of the Russian language within those territories populated mainly by Russian speakers.Characterizing his bitter rival, Timoshenko said "we are from different worlds, from different galaxies, from different dimensions", Itar-Tass wrote.

In 2004, he was declared the winner of the presidential vote, but later, following street protests that became known as the Orange Revolution, his victory was ruled fraudulent and annulled.Just like his opponent, the 59-year-old sees integration with the EU among his aims, if elected.“Europe does not give us prospects, and we understand it,” he said in an interview with the Spanish newspaper “El Pais”, as quoted on Yanukovich’s official website. “Therefore, we should work in order to modernize the country by applying social, economic and technical European criteria. ‘Marriage’ with the EU could only take place with the consent of both sides. We do not want to compel a fiancée, but we will fulfill our obligations and become reliable partners for Europe, Russia and the US. We would like to have trustful, effective and mutually beneficial relations with all of them,” he said.However, Yanukovich will not urge the country to join NATO. Also, he hinted that the issue of Russia’s Black Sea Fleet – which is using a naval base in Crimea as part of a 1997 lease agreement that expires in 2017 – is negotiable. Back in November, RIA Novosti wrote, he said that this topic should not be politicized.“Taking into consideration our international obligations, earlier undertaken by Ukraine, we must not politicize the issue and appear like an unreliable or unpredictable partner,” he said.Yanukovich said the position of the Ukrainian authorities on the issue was the result of a negative attitude towards Russia.

“[Foreign] policy has to be balanced and mutually beneficial,” Yanukovich added.

His main slogan is "Ukraine for the people." The candidate is quite experienced in politics. Previously, Yanukovich served as Governor of the Donetsk region in eastern Ukraine, where he is still hugely popular. He twice served as prime minister, first under President Leonid Kuchma and then, from August 4, 2006, to December 18, 2007, under current President Yushchenko.

Yanukovych leading with over 30% in Ukraine election -exit polls

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Opposition leader Viktor Yanukovych is leading with over 30% of the vote in the first round ofUkraine's presidential election on Sunday, exit polls said.According to the National Exit Poll-2010, he is gaining 31.5% and is followed by Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko with 27.2% and Serhiy Tyhypko who has 13.5%. Statistical margin of error is 0.5%.Another exit poll by SOCIS company for Inter TV said Yanukovych is gaining 36.6%, Tymoshenko 25% and banker Tyhypko 13.5%.The ICTV channel's exit poll gave Yanukovych who leads the Party of Regions slightly over 35%, Tymoshenko 25.7%, and Tyhypko close to 13.5%.Matias Ersi, the head of the Council of Europe delegation at the election, said the election was transparent and in line with international standards.The Ukrainian president is elected for five years. The election coes off if 50% of voters have cast their ballots, and according to the Central Election Commission, the turnout today was 65.68%.In order to win the election in the first round, a candidate should gain 50% plus one vote. As none of the candidates is gaining the necessary amount, a runoff is likely to be held February 7.

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The End of the Orange Revolution

By Christian Neef and Matthias Schepp

Ukraine is about to hold its first presidential elections since the popular uprising in 2004 that overturned a fraudulent vote. But what has become of the Orange Revolution, now that its leaders have fallen from grace and the population is craving a strong leader?

It seems hard to believe that a normal person who claims to "hardly ever go to bed before 4 a.m. these days" could look so good. Her cheeks are glowing, her skin is smooth, her trademark braids are carefully arranged on top of her head and her step is as energetic as ever.But what exactly is normal about this woman, the prime minister of Europe's largest country by area? On this morning, Yulia Tymoshenko looks fresh and awake, wearing a light-brown wool dress and looking the part of the concerned leader of her nation. All that's missing are the sheaves of grain Tymoshenko is holding to her chest on the campaign posters displayed outside, along Kiev's streets.

The venue was probably chosen carefully to ensure just the right backdrop for the candidate. The washed-out white marble and bronze chandeliers in this retirement home for government officials exude the faded charm of the Soviet era. Tymoshenko -- popularly known by her first name, Yulia -- is a study in political contrasts, even before she opens her mouth to give a campaign speech. "I am one of you," she calls out to the 300 students sitting in the conference room. "I will make sure that you get discounted tickets for the bus and subway! And when I am president, you will be allowed to choose the minister of youth and sports."

Tymoshenko is a gifted speaker, promising a glowing future to the poor and underprivileged, and everything short of saving the planet to everyone else. "We Ukrainians," she says in her clear, youthful voice, "will not just solve our own problems, but will also offer the entire world a model for overcoming the crisis -- that is our mission." She neglects to mention how, exactly, her country will serve as an economic role model.

Icon of Revolution

Ukraine will elect its new president on Jan. 17, for the first time since the Orange Revolution. For a long time, it had seemed as if the presidency were already reserved for Tymoshenko, the icon of the country's magnificent popular revolt of December 2004.

The images the world witnessed coming from Kiev five years ago are hard to forget. The smoke from burning firewood hanging over Khreshchatyk Street, the city's main boulevard, where tens of thousands protested for weeks against fraud in the November election. The parades of honking cars in the city's narrow, twisted downtown streets. The hoarse voices of supporters calling out the names "Yushchenko" and "Yulia" on Independence Square as the opposition leaders, wearing orange scarves, finally claimed victory over the pro-Moscow incumbents after a third round of voting.The images were reminiscent of Prague in 1968, Gdansk in 1980 and Leipzig in 1989. Russia, which had never overcome the loss of Ukraine, a country of 46 million people, was in shock. Europe, on the other hand, was filled with optimism.

Deeply Divided

Five years later, Ukraine is almost a forgotten country. The victors of that 2004 election, once feted on Independence Square, are now deeply divided, and the country's political institutions are paralyzed. The government has lacked a majority in the parliament for a year, the posts of finance and defense minister are vacant, and even the Foreign Ministry was leaderless for several months. The country itself is broke, only managing to stay afloat with loans from the West.And the color orange? It isn't even being used in the current election campaign. The Tymoshenko campaign's white tents decorated with a red heart can be seen on the streets. There are blue tents where volunteers are collecting signatures for former Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych, the man who almost became president as a result of the rigged 2004 election. Finally, current President Viktor Yushchenko is campaigning with brightly colored billboards advertising the 2012 UEFA European Football Championship, which Ukraine is co-hosting along with Poland.

Nothing illustrates the stalemate in Ukrainian politics as effectively as the struggle among these three figures. For years, they have formed a seemingly eternal triangle of power, which Ukrainian writer Yuri Andrukhovych calls the "anti-Pantheon of the modern era."

Rising Through the Ranks

Finally, there is the 59-year-old Yanukovych, the son of a metalworker from the Donbas region of southeastern Ukraine, who was sentenced to prison for robbery and assault when he was a teenager. He later became a racecar driver and, after rising through the political ranks, was eventually appointed to the post of prime minister under semi-authoritarian former President Leonid Kuchma.Today, he argues for the return of "law and order" and claims that the price of democracy in the wake of the Orange Revolution was too high. His Party of Regions has attracted almost the entire communist electorate and large segments of the Russophile population. It is also a hotbed of protests against market reforms and the country's pro-Western orientation.Yanukovych, a man completely lacking in charisma, simply had to wait until the orange revolutionaries destroyed each other. According to the polls, he is leading with 30 percent, 10 percentage points ahead of Tymoshenko.Ironically, the man behind the election fraud of 2004 could become the country's next democratically elected president. Was the Orange Revolution merely a bluff, and is Ukraine lost to Europe once again?

All or Nothing

Savik Shuster greets his audience of millions on his nightly talk show. His show "Shuster Live," broadcast on TRK-Ukraine from a studio housed in a renovated factory building, is the country's most popular program, partly because of its no-holds-barred format. His critics call it a "striptease of politics."Shuster's assistant, a long-legged platinum blonde wearing a black blouse with shoulder pads made to look like soccer balls, announces that, once again, it's all or nothing for Ukraine. "The 2012 UEFA European Football Championship is our last chance to show that we are a European country," she says.Then Shuster introduces his guests, the Ukrainian sports minister and two football officials versus three critics of the government. The topic is Ukraine's biggest problem: corruption. Shuster claims that a company owned by the minister's former deputy was awarded major stadium construction contracts.The sports minister, a very young disciple of Yushchenko, rejects the charges while injecting a dose of nationalism. "UEFA tried to force us to award the stadium construction contracts to German and other foreign companies," he says, "but I wanted to make sure that Ukrainian taxpayers' money went to Ukrainian companies." The audience applauds.A debate ensues that, in its openness and candidness, would not be possible in most of the 15 successor states of the Soviet Union today, including Russia. Shuster, who once lived in Moscow, says that he went to Ukraine because the Russian capital is still a place where "propagandists and not journalists are in demand."

Open Debate

The show highlights one of the positive sides of the Orange Revolution. Since 2005, the country has had both open political debate and freedom of the press. However, says Shuster, this freedom has also enabled the country's oligarchs to gain control over broadcasters and newspapers. For example, the eastern Ukrainian steel and coal magnate Rinat Akhmetov owns TRK, while Kuchma's billionaire son-in-law, Viktor Pinchuk, owns four television channels. One interesting new development is that each of these media tycoons has now divided his political sympathies among various camps.The next evening's show reveals something about Ukrainian culture. Shuster has invited five of the 18 presidential candidates and a number of political scientists to discuss the scandal of the week. President Yushchenko reprimanded the interior minister and the head of the intelligence agency on live TV, saying: "Do you know why we can't defeat corruption? Because you yourselves are corrupt."Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko, one of the leaders of the Orange Revolution, is sitting in the studio. Although it is not revealed whether the president's accusations of corruption have any substance, it is true that Lutsenko, who is in charge of more than 350,000 police officers and civil servants, was barred from boarding a flight at a German airport last year for drunkenness and vulgar behavior."How can you be a role model for our public servants? You should resign," says one of the guests, a member of parliament for Yanukovych's party."And you?" Lutsenko retorts sharply. "I happen to know that you beat your wife at home." The accusation later leads to a scuffle in the studio between the two men.Shuster complains that the problem with the new freedom of the press is that the media have lost all relevance. "The people can now speak up, but the politicians aren't listening."

Political Miracles

Andrukhovych is among those who struggled in support of the Orange Revolution in 2004. Today he sees Yushchenko as nothing but a notorious opportunist. When asked about Yanukovych, he says that he didn't expect anything of him then and still expects nothing of him today. But his greatest disappointment is Tymoshenko. "She's an actress," he says, "but a bad one. How can such a bad actress be so successful? She is the biggest populist, constantly promising people that she wants to give something back."Andrukhovych is the first to admit that he saw the country's 1991 independence and Yushchenko's 2004 election victory as "political miracles." But, he adds, one should not forget that the election five years ago was basically a neck-and-neck race, and that Yushchenko barely managed to garner more than 50 percent of the vote in the important runoff election. It was only half a revolution, he says, and predicts that now the scales will tip to the other half. "We are back in the mid-1990s, and we will have a new Kuchma. It's no surprise that the West doesn't trust us."Andrukhovych, who has an engaging and cheerful manner, doesn't sound bitter. Perhaps all of this will be useful, he says. "If Yanukovych wins, maybe people will realize the importance of freedom."Ivano-Frankivsk has benefited from the Orange Revolution. The city's downtown has been carefully renovated, and its historic buildings, including the Jesuit college, the cathedral, the synagogue and the town hall, as well as many of the Art Nouveau villas, are in good shape. There has been much new construction throughout the city since 2004. And when it comes to quality of life, the city, which has a population of over 200,000, is doing very well by Ukrainian standards. But the construction cranes have been idle in Stanyslaviv since Ukraine got hit by the economic downturn, which affected the country worse than almost any other in Europe.

Own Identity

Nevertheless, Andrukhovych remains optimistic. Some of the consequences of the Orange Revolution are irreversible, he says. For example, the border, at least to the West, is now open. The birth rate is rising again and, most importantly, Ukraine has acquired its own identity. The gray post-Soviet era, the shaved heads, the tracksuits -- all of that, with the exception of Russian pop music, is on its way out, says Andrukhovych. "The country has rediscovered its individuality."For Andrukhovych, perhaps the most eye-opening experience was something he recently witnessed in Donetsk, a mining city in the far eastern part of the country, as foreign to a western Ukrainian as Shanghai or Cairo. Donetsk is Yanukovych country and is dominated by ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking Ukrainians.Andrukhovych was in the city with the rock group Dead Rooster, which was premiering its new album "Made in Ukraine," with songs based on his poems. The poet even sang one of the songs himself. The club was full of young people, Russian-speaking Andrukhovych fans who even knew the poems of a western Ukrainian by heart. "Ukraine is alive," says Andrukhovych.

Four Georgians detained in Donetsk as Ukraine elects president

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© RIA Novosti. Alexei Kudenko | Buy this image

16:1517/01/2010

Four Georgian nationals were detained in eastern Ukraine over violations on Sunday as the country is holding presidential elections, with the opposition warning of attempts to disrupt the poll, the local police reported.

Ukraine is holding the first presidential elections since the 2004 Orange Revolution, with Viktor Yanukovych, leader of the opposition Party of Regions, and current Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko seen as the main contenders for the president's post.

All the four Georgian nationals were detained in the eastern Ukraine city of Donetsk, a stronghold of the Party of Regions.

One Georgian citizen was detained in the city's Voroshilovsky district for threatening the chairman of a district electoral commission and another was detained for the breach of the rules of stay in Ukraine, the police said.

The other two Georgians were detained in the Petrovsky district of Donetsk for penetrating a polling station and trying to tear off seals from ballot boxes, the police said.The Party of Regions warned earlier in the day of a possible attempt to disrupt the country's presidential vote as three charter flights from Georgia carrying over 400 "athletic men" landed in the country.

On Friday two charter flights from with of 297 Georgian men onboard landed in Donetsk. Some of them had lists of all polling stations in the region. The Georgians, aged from 25 to 40, told border guards that the purpose of their visit was to meet with Ukrainian girls they met on social networking sites.On Saturday another charter flight from Georgia with some 120 male passengers landed in the capital Kiev. The official purpose of their visit is unknown.

The Georgians were to "interfere in the electoral process... with an aim to change the outcome of the elections and disrupt the vote," Mykola Azarov, a member of the Party of Regions told a news conference on Saturday.Ukraine's central election body had earlier refused to register over 3,000 observers, sent by Georgia to Sunday's presidential polls, citing the absence of necessary documents. The number of monitors from the Caucasus state exceeded the total number of observers sent by other states and international organizations

Second raid on Ukraine gas offices
Armed agents from Ukraine's security services raided Naftogaz on Wednesday [AFP]
Agents from the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) have tried to stage a raid for the second straight day on offices connected to Ukraine's gas industry, heightening long-running tensions between the president and prime minister.Naftogaz, the country's state gas company which was raided on Wednesday, said that SBU officials had tried to gain entry to Ukrtransgaz, the offices of the company overseeing Ukraine's pipelines, on Thursday.The second raid came as Naftogaz said it had settled a bill for Russian gas just hours after Vladimir Putin, Russia's prime minister, had waded into the dispute by threatening to cut off gas if Ukraine failed to pay.Moscow confirmed that Kiev had settled the $360m bill for February gas which had been due by March 7.
'Out of control'
Maryna Ostapenko, an SBU spokeswoman, said that the two SBU operations were part of an investigation connected to "abuses in the gas sector".The agents left after a confrontation with members of parliament, loyal to Yulia Tymoshenko, the country's prime minister, who had rushed to the scene.The raids underline political tensions between Tymoshenko and Viktor Yushchenko, Ukraine's president.The SBU reports to the president and Yushchenko backed the initial operation by its forces as a lawful criminal investigation.The president has criticised the prime minister for her conduct in clinching a deal in January under which Ukraine is to pay more for imported Russian gas. Addressing her cabinet on Thursday, Tymoshenko, once a close ally and now a rival of Yushchenko for the presidency, said the security forces were out of control and acting at the president's behest. She said "The prosecutor's office is doing nothing because it has its own interests, the SBU is blatantly breaking the law and the president is covering up for them."This is not merely a violation of the constitution, but in essence the destruction of the very foundation of the state's legal norms."
Putin threat
Earlier on Thursday, Putin had said failure by Ukraine to pay its February bill could prompt Gazprom to curtail gas supplies, as it did for three weeks in January, and again cut off customers in Europe. He said: "If as a result of law enforcement actions and arrests of a number of officials there will be no payment, it will lead to the stoppage of our energy deliveries to our customers in Ukraine as well as customer in Europe."Jose Manuel Barroso, the European Union commission president, later voiced concern over Putin's warning.EU countries have called for closer co-ordination between Kiev and Moscow to rule out any further problems.Ukraine is the main transit route for Russian gas exports to Europe, and a dispute over prices with Russia in January disrupted supplies to many countries in the middle of winter.

Kiev gas dispute... accused the United States of pulling the strings.

Kiev refuses to accept Russian gas intended for Europe - Gazprom
MOSCOW, January 14 (RIA Novosti) - Ukraine's national energy company Naftogaz refused to accept Russian natural gas for transit to Europe for a second day, Russia's gas monopoly Gazprom said on Wednesday. Gazprom said it filed another application with Naftogaz on Wednesday for the transit of 98.8 million cubic meters of gas, including 13.9 million intended for Moldova, 62.7 billion for the Balkan states, and 22.2 million for Slovakia. Russia, which has accused Ukraine of tapping gas bound for Europe, resumed shipments after a weeklong cutoff on Tuesday after a EU-led team of monitors was deployed at gas metering stations in Ukraine. However, Gazprom said later in the day Kiev was blocking the shipments. The monopoly said on Wednesday it had requested the transits via the Sudzha gas entry point on the Russian border, an export pipeline with direct access to the nations affected by the dispute, including Bulgaria, Romania and Turkey. Naftogaz in turn demanded transit via other entry points, used mainly for gas intended for domestic consumption, and the replenishment of gas reserves to 140 million cu m, Gazprom said. Ukraine has claimed that Russia has not sent enough "technical gas" to maintain the pressure necessary to send the required volumes to Europe. Kiev also said that Moscow had demanded gas for Europe be sent along a complicated route that would require Ukraine to cut off supplies to its own people. "Naftogaz's repeated refusals prove that Ukraine is unable to replenish gas reserves it has siphoned off and resume transits. Gazprom is prepared to restart supplies for European consumers at any moment," the Russian energy giant said. The Naftogaz chief rejected on Wednesday Russia's claims that Ukraine had illegally siphoned off its gas, saying the company had transited 1.2 billion cubic meters of gas to Moldova.

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Gazprom's Deputy CEO Alexander Medvedev accused the United States of pulling the strings. "It looks like ... they(Ukraine) are dancing to the music which is being orchestrated not in Kiev but outside the country," he said.

MOSCOW/KIEV (Reuters) - Russia and Ukraine face another day of sparring over gas supplies on Wednesday and two European Union states launched fresh diplomacy to end a dispute that has left their economies without Russian gas for one week.Russia began pumping gas meant for Europe via Ukraine on Tuesday, but the EU said little or no gas was flowing to countries suffering urgent energy shortages.Russia accused Ukraine of shutting off gas to Europe, but Kiev said there was not enough pressure in the pipeline system.The crisis has disrupted supplies to some 18 countries at the height of winter, shutting down dozens of factories in southeast Europe.Two of the worst hit EU states, Bulgaria and Slovakia, sent their prime ministers to Moscow and Kiev in a fresh effort to get gas supplies restored.Slovakian Prime Minister Robert Fico, who was in Kiev on Wednesday for talks with Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, said the country had 11 days of gas reserves left."After 12 days, we will be obliged to resort to measures never seen in our history. May I simply ask how long this will go on?" he told Tymoshenko.But Tymoshenko said her country could do little to help. "Ukraine does not have sufficient gas. We do not have our own supplies," she told Fico.Fico is due in Moscow later to meet Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin alongside Bulgarian Prime Minister Sergei Stanishev and Moldovan Prime Minister Zinaida Greceanii.Stanishev is under pressure to secure supplies for his country of 7.6 million people as limited domestic reserves are dwindling and anger among Bulgarians is mounting against his Socialist-led government.Slovakia, which has a population of 5.4 million and gets almost all its gas from Russia, declared a state of emergency on January 6, under which gas deliveries to large clients were reduced. About 1,000 companies were forced to shut or cut production.A deal brokered by the EU, which gets a quarter of its gas from Russia, had been intended to get supplies moving on Tuesday, with international monitors in place to ensure that Ukraine was not siphoning off any gas, as Moscow has alleged.Russian state-controlled gas monopoly Gazprom declared force majeure on gas exports to Europe on Tuesday, meaning circumstances beyond its control prevented it from meeting its obligations to clients.Gazprom is demanding Kiev hand over $614 million for unpaid gas bills and pay $450 per 1,000 cubic meters of gas in 2009. That is similar to rates paid by EU customers but a big rise on last year's price of $179.5. Analysts in Kiev say Ukraine, saddled with debt and hard hit by the global slowdown, cannot afford that price

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International monitors confirm Kiev blocking gas transit- Gazprom
MOSCOW, January 14 (RIA Novosti) - International monitors have confirmed that Ukraine has blocked the transit of Russia's Europe-bound natural gas supplies through its territory, the Russian gas monopoly Gazprom has said. Russia, which has accused Ukraine of tapping gas intended for Europe, resumed shipments after a weeklong cutoff on Tuesday after a EU-led team of monitors was deployed at gas metering stations in Ukraine. However, the transit gas did not reach Europe. "Members of the international monitoring commission in Kiev... have signed a report from gas control stations, which shows that no Russian gas has been pumped through Ukraine's transit pipelines toward Europe," Gazprom said late on Tuesday, adding that meters in Russia's Kursk Region on the border with Ukraine showed gas was being pumped. Ukraine has denied stealing gas, claiming instead that Russia has not sent enough "technical gas" to maintain the pressure necessary to send the required amounts of energy to Europe. Kiev also said that Moscow had demanded gas for Europe be sent along a complicated route that would require Ukraine to cut off supplies to its own people. Gazprom said on Monday that Ukraine should either use its own "technical" gas, or buy it if the company lacks its own resources. Gazprom said it was yet to establish the total volume tapped by Ukraine, saying that it had siphoned off 140 million cubic meters intended for the Balkan region alone. The European Parliament speaker urged Moscow and Kiev on Tuesday to fulfill the monitoring deal and resolve their dispute, which had "caught the EU citizens in the crossfire," as soon as possible.

Thousands protest in Ukraine

Thousands protest in Ukraine

Thousands of trade unionists have taken to the streets in Ukraine to protest against cuts in wages and benefits and to demand action to ease the country’s economic crisis. The demonstrators marched through Kiev calling for social justice, and called for an end to food price rises. Ukraine has been hard hit by the global financial crisis, and its currency has plummeted in value. The protestors came from across the country. They warned that if their demands were not met by February, they would strike to force the government to do its job or resign. Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko has said several times that she will not cut benefits. However, with industrial production in severe decline and unemployment expected to double in the coming months, she faces a daunting winter of discontent.

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President Yushchenko planning state of emergency -
KIEV, December 24 (RIA Novosti) - Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko plans to declare a state of emergency in the country and cancel all elections, the country's prime minister said on Wednesday. "The president's aim is not only to benefit at the cost of Ukraine's grief and with the backing of his supporters, but to also declare the country bankrupt, to make the country's economy absolutely unworkable and to use this base to continue his bungling rule and to introduce a state of emergency and cancel elections...," Yulia Tymoshenko said. "I want to stop this process," she added. Tymoshenko also urged the president, who she said had completely lost the esteem of a head of state, to volunteer to resign. "If he [Yushchenko] has retained a grain of conscience, he must resign," the prime minister told the press.

Medvedev orders Gazprom to collect Ukraine debt

http://www.russiatoday.com/news/news/33544

Medvedev orders Gazprom to collect Ukraine debtThe Russian president has ordered energy giant Gazprom to recover Ukraine's $US 2.4 billion debt for natural gas supplied by the company. "We need to finally decide on the Ukrainian debt and recover it either in a voluntary or compulsory manner in accordance with established legislation and within the framework of our bilateral agreements," said the presidentThe Russian president met with Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller on Thursday and discussed the importance of collecting the debt in full in light of the current global financial crisis and falling price of oil."The payment owed by Ukraine is a large sum of money for any state and for any company, including Gazprom," he said. In early October, Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko visited Moscow and pledged that Ukraine's debt would "be repaid in accordance with the established procedure."During the visit both sides agreed to remove intermediaries from their gas deal, which Ukraine said were responsible for the large accumulation of debt. However, Gazprom's chief said that since the agreement Ukraine's debt has "increased rather than decreased."Medvedev asked Miller about the progress of talks for next year."The degree of corporate preparation is high. All the documents are ready," said Miller. "The agreement provides for the prospective switch to market prices starting from January 1, 2011. This means that the price formula of European countries will be applied [to Ukraine]."However when the Russian president asked him "where the money was", Gazprom's chief seemed less than sure that it would be paid. This debt is astronomical and your question about 'where the money is' is absolutely appropriate. There is no progress in the relations with Ukraine and we are not sure we will get the money back," he said.

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Ενα μέρος του δανείου που θα πάρει η Ουκρανία από το IMF θα πάνε μάλλον για αποπληρωμή του χρέους στο φυσικό αέριο. Από τον παραπάνω χάρτη βλέπει κανείς τον πειρασμό της "υπεξαίρεσης" ( γινόταν στοπαρελθόν). να έχεις το μέλι στα δάκτυλα και να μην γλύψεις !!

Russia accuses Kiev of using Holodomor to divert attention - Holodomor ...!!

Law "On the safekeeping of Socialist property"

Αν και η κυβέρνηση της Ουκρανίας με τον αναδρομικό εθνικισμό της , τα ρέστα θα έπρεπε να ζητάει κατα βάση από τον στρατηγό Τιμοσένγκο - Ουκρανο στρατηγό στέλεχος του KΚΣΕ, αλλά και τον συμπατριώτη του Σακασβίλι από το Gori της Γεωργίας, τον Ιωσήφ Σταλιν..

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Russia accuses

Kiev using Holodomor to divert attention

http://en.rian.ru/russia/20081028/118000736.html

UNTIED NATIONS, October 28 (RIA Novosti) - Ukraine is using the issue of the 1932-33 famine to divert the nation's attention from the ongoing political and economic crisis, Russia's envoy to the UN said on Tuesday. Ukraine has been seeking international recognition for the Stalin-era famine, known as the Holodomor, as an act of genocide by the Soviet authorities following a similar move by Ukraine's Supreme Rada in late 2006. The United Nations General Committee refused last Thursday to include the famine on its agenda, supporting Russia's recommendation to exclude the Holodomor from the UN session. Said Vitaly Churkin: "The Ukrainian leadership is using this historical humanitarian tragedy for its own political ends, as well as to spread ethnic animosity... and divert the attention of its own people from the ongoing political and economic crisis in Ukraine."
He said the issue was being politicized, as was evident from, among other things, Ukraine's attempt to include the issue in the UN agenda. A senior Ukrainian MP said on Friday that the UN's recognition of the Holodomor would give Kiev legal grounds to claim moral and financial damages from Russia. The European Parliament adopted a resolution on Thursday declaring the famine of 1932-1933, that caused the deaths of millions of Ukrainians, a crime against humanity.
The European Parliament stopped short of using the word "genocide." Its resolution "recognizes the Holodomor (the artificial famine of 1932-1933 in Ukraine) as an appalling crime against the Ukrainian people, and against humanity." According to the resolution, the Holodomor "was cynically and cruelly planned by [Soviet leader Joseph] Stalin's regime in order to force through the Soviet Union's policy of collectivization of agriculture against the will of the rural population in Ukraine." Estimates vary widely as to the number of deaths in Ukraine in the early 1930s caused by the forced collectivization, along with the devastating purges of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, religious leaders and politicians under Stalin. Some sources cite figures of over 7 million. The EU parliament also urged "the countries which emerged following the break-up of the Soviet Union to open up their archives on the Holodomor in Ukraine of 1932-1933 to comprehensive scrutiny so that all the causes and consequences can be revealed and fully investigated."

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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holodomor

The Holodomor (Ukrainian: Голодомор) is the famine that took place in Soviet Ukraine during the 1932-1933 agricultural season when the devastating famines also took place in several other regions of the USSR. The Holodomor ravaged the rural population of the Ukrainian SSR, and is considered one of the greatest national catastrophes to affect the Ukrainian nation in modern history.[1][2][3][4] Estimates for the total number of casualties within Soviet Ukraine range between 2.2 million (demographers' estimate)[5] [6] and 3-3.5 million (historians' estimate),[7][8][9] though much higher figures are often quoted by the media and cited in political debates.[10] On the other hand, the Encyclopedia Britannica reports that Ukraine suffered a severe famine in 1932–33 where more than five millioninhabitants of Ukraine[12] died of starvation in an unprecedented peacetime catastrophe.Much higher figures, even as high as 20 million casualties, are often quoted in political debates. The European Parliament has recognized it as a crime against humanity in 2008.The causes of the famine are the subject of current scholarly and political debate. Some historians claim the famine was purposely engineered by the Soviet authorities as an attack on Ukrainian nationalism, while others view it as an unintended consequence of the economic problems associated with radical economic changes implemented during the period of Soviet industrialization There is no international consensus among scholars or politicians on whether the Soviet policies that caused the famine fall under the legal definition of genocide however, as of March 2008, the parliament of Ukraine and the governments of several other countries have recognized the actions causing Holodomor as an act of genocide.

The plan for the state grain collection in the Ukrainian SSR adopted for 1931 was over-optimistic — 510 million poods (8.4 Tg). Drought, administrative distribution of the plan for kolkhozes, together with the lack of relevant management generally destabilized the situation. Significant amounts of grain remained unharvested. A significant percentage was lost during processing and transportation, or spoiled at elevators (wet grain). The total Winter sowing area shrunk by approximately 2 million hectares. Livestock in kolkhozes remained without forage, which was collected under grain procurement. A similar occurrence happened with respect to seeds and wages awarded in kind for kolhoz members. Nevertheless, grain collection continued till May 1932 but reached only 90% of expected plan figures. By the end of December 1931, the collection plan was accomplished by 79%. Many kolkhozes from December 1931 onwards suffered from lack of food, resulting in an increased number of deaths caused by malnutrition registered by OGPU in some areas (Moldavian SSR as a whole and several central rayons of Vinnytsya, Kiev and North-East rayons of Odessa oblasts [24] ) in winter-spring and the early summer months of 1932. By 1932 the sowing campaign of the Ukrainian SSR was obtained with minimal draught power as most of the remaining horses were incapable of working, while the number of available agricultural tractors was too small to fill the gap.
The Government of the Ukrainian SSR tried to remedy the situation but had little success. Administrative and territorial reform (oblast creation) in February 1932, also added to the mismanagement. As a result Moscow had more details about the seed situation than the Ukrainian authorities. In May, 1932, in a desperate effort to change the situation, the central Soviet Government provided 7.1 million poods of grain for food for Ukraine and dispatched adsitional 700 agricultural tractors intended for other regions of USSR.
By July, the total amount of aid provided from Central Soviet Authorities for food, sowing and forage for “agricultural sector” was numbered more than 17 million poods.
Speculative prices of food in cooperative network (5-10 times more as compared with neighboring Soviet republics) brought significant peasant “travel for bread”, while attempts to handle situation with speculation had very limited success. Such provision (quota on carried-on foods) was lifted by Stalin (at Kosior's request) at the end of May 1932. The July GPU reports for the first half of 1932, mentioned the “difficulties with food” in 127 rayons (out of 484) and acknowledged the incompleteness of the information for the regions. The Decree of Sovnarkom on “Kolkhoz Trade” issued in May, fostered rumors amongst peasants that collectivization was rolled-back again as it had been in spring 1930. The number of peasants who abandoned kolkhozes significantly increased.
As a result, the government plans for the central grain collection in Ukraine was lowered by 18.1%, in comparison to the 1931 plan. Still, collective farms were expected to return return 132,750 tons of grain which had been provided in spring 1932 as aid. The grain collection plan for July 1932 was adopted to collect 19.5 million poods. The actual state of collection was disastrous, and by 31 July only 3 million poods (compared to 21 million in 1931) were collected. As of July 20 the harvested area was half of that in 1931. The sovhozes had only sowed 16% of the defined area.
Since July 1932 Ukrainian SSR met with difficulty in supplying the planned amount of food to rationing system was implemented in early 1928 to supply extensively growing urban areas with food. This system became the almost sole source of food delivery to cities while the alternatives, cooperative trade and black market trading, became too expensive, and under-supplied, to provide long-range assistance. By December 1932, due the fault of grain procurement daily rationing for rural population limited to 100-600 grams of bread, some group of rural citizens completely withdrawn from rationing supply. [25] [26]
This disparity between agricultural goals, and actual production grew later in the year. An expected 190 thousand tons of grain were to be exported, but by August 27, 1932, only 20 thousand tons were ready. By October 25, the plan for grain collection was lowered once again, from the quantity called for in the plan of August 22, 1932. Nevertheless, collection reached only 39% of the annually planned total.[34] A second lowering of goals deducted 70 million poods but still demanded plan completion, and 100% efficiency. Attempts to reach the new goals of production proved futile in late 1932. On November 29, in order to complete the plan, Ukraine was to collect 94 million poods, 4.8 of them from sovkhozes. As of January 2, targets were again lowered, to 62.5 million poods. Later that month, on January 14,the targets were lowered even further– by 29.4 million poods, to 33.1 million. At same time, GPU of Ukraine reported hunger and starvation in the Kiev and Vinnytsia oblasts, and began implementing measures to remedy the situation. The total amount of grain collected by February 5 was only 255 million poods (compared to 440 million poods in 1931) while the numbers of “hunger and malnutrition cases” as registered by the GPU of Ukrainian SSR, increased every day.

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http://www.holodomor.org/

The Holodomor Memorial Website mission is the following:1. To uncover the cause of the Ukrainian Holodomor (famine-genocide) of 1932-1933 through studies of the historical events, social acts, national traits, which were sources of the tragedy.2. To establish a network of Ukrainian scholars directed towards the discovery of the origins of Holodomor -- its political, social and cultural roots, its immediate causes and consequences.3. To establish The Holodomor Memorial Center on the Internet to inform Ukraine and the world about this tragedy.
NOTE:This website is unofficial because at present time it does not belong to an organization, which has a formal status. We plan to become a formal organization in the future.

1. A new approach must be developed if we want to understand the events of the catastrophe of 1932-1933 and to memorialize the perhaps 14 million innocent victims.2. The Holodomor Website through its Internet domain name http://www.HOLODOMOR.org will gather the data, verify the facts, publish studies and thoughts about Holodomor. The information will be coming primarily from Ukraine, from volunteers, supporters, agents, assigns and scholars. Foreign sources will be considered of secondary importance. No effort will be spared to correct the mendacity and injustice of prior reporting, which has compromised the interests of Ukraine and Holodomor survivors for two generations.3. It is assumed that the Ukrainian famine could not have taken place in a society governed by the consent of its people, who share a national spiritual unity and enjoy basic civil rights and freedoms.4. The Holodomor Website seeks answers to these questions: A. How was it possible for a relatively small group of communists to bring many millions of people to starvation in less than 15 months? B. Why was the Ukrainian nation unable to resist an act of life threatening violence on such a colossal scale?The answers may prevent future tragedies by encouraging democracy in Ukraine, and by elevating rational consciousness of its true history, its present duties to Europe, its challenges and its promise as a society.

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Εξωτερικές σχέσεις - EYΡΩΠΑΙΚΟ ΚΟΙΝΟΒΟΥΛΙΟ
Συζήτηση για τον ουκρανικό λιμό (Holodomor)
16-10-2008 - 12:06

http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/expert/briefing_page/39373-294-10-43-20081014BRI39372-20-10-2008-2008/default_p001c015_el.htm
Ο εορτασμός της μνήμης του Ουκρανικού λιμού, Holodomor, θα αποτελέσει αντικείμενο συζήτησης την ερχόμενη Τετάρτη στην ολομέλεια. Την συζήτηση δεν θα ακολουθήσει η υιοθέτηση κάποιου σχετικού ψηφίσματος.Ο Μεγάλος Λιμός της Ουκρανίας (1932-1933) ή Holodomor υπήρξε μία από τις μεγαλύτερες εθνικές καταστροφές στη σύγχρονη ιστορία της Ουκρανίας και προκάλεσε το θάνατο εκατομμυρίων ανθρώπων. Θεωρείται δε ως συνέπεια της οικονομικής πολιτικής που ακολούθησε η Σοβιετική Ένωση υπό την ηγεσία του Στάλιν και ειδικότερα του προγράμματος κολεκτιβοποίησης που εφάρμοσε. Στις 28 Νοεμβρίου 2006, ο λιμός αναγνωρίστηκε επίσημα από το ουκρανικό κοινοβούλιο ως γενοκτονία και η 25η Νοεμβρίου ορίστηκε ως ημέρα μνήμης του. Αρκετές ακόμη χώρες έχουν επισήμως αναγνωρίσει το λιμό της Ουκρανίας ως γενοκτονία. Να σημειωθεί ότι η Ρωσία απορρίπτει τις κατηγορίες περί γενοκτονίας. Το 2003, ο Ρώσος πρέσβης στην Ουκρανία Viktor Chernomyrdin δήλωσε: "Δεν πρόκειται να απολογηθούμε... Δεν υπάρχει κανένας λόγος για να απολογηθούμε". Το 2003, 70 χρόνια μετά, ο ΟΗΕ χαρακτήρισε το λιμό ως μια από τις χειρότερες αγριότητες της σύγχρονης ιστορίας χωρίς όμως να κάνει οποιαδήποτε αναφορά στη γενοκτονία.
Διαδικασία: ΣυζήτησηΣυζήτηση: 22.10.2008

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